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  • Why are so many Palestinian women being killed in Israel’s war on Gaza? | Israel-Palestine conflict

    Why are so many Palestinian women being killed in Israel’s war on Gaza? | Israel-Palestine conflict

    Why are so many Palestinian women being killed in Israel’s war on Gaza? | Israel-Palestine conflict

    The United Nations says women and children make up 70 percent of the dead.

    The United Nations says Palestinian women have borne the brunt of Israel’s onslaught in Gaza.

    Two-thirds of those killed in the war, purportedly against Hamas, are women and children.

    What are the difficulties that Palestinian women face living under constant attack?

    And what’s the world saying – or doing – about it?

    Presenter: Folly Bah Thibault

    Guests:
    Nour Odeh – political analyst and former spokeswoman for the Palestinian Task Force on Public Diplomacy

    Yara Hawari – senior analyst at Al Shabaka: The Palestinian Policy Network and host of the Rethinking Palestine podcast

    Heather Barr – associate director of the Women’s Rights Division at Human Rights Watch

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    Why are so many Palestinian women being killed in Israel’s war on Gaza? | Israel-Palestine conflict

  • An end to the Israel-Hamas truce approaches – but the people of Gaza are desperate for help | World News

    An end to the Israel-Hamas truce approaches – but the people of Gaza are desperate for help | World News

    An end to the Israel-Hamas truce approaches – but the people of Gaza are desperate for help | World News

    An end to the Israel-Hamas truce approaches - but the people of Gaza are desperate for help | World News

    The ceasefire clock is ticking down and everyone in Gaza knows it.

    In the calm, people have been flooding to hospitals looking for treatment – almost overwhelming doctors.

    At a hospital in southern Gaza, a Sky News team filmed as patient after patient was brought in for treatment, many of them children, with undiagnosed illnesses.

    Follow the Israel-Hamas war live, as more hostages are released

    The hospital’s corridors were crammed, with the injured placed on rickety beds.

    In one doctor’s room, mother after mother entered with their ill children, desperate for help.

    There is a real fear of a major spread of disease among the civilians, who are largely homeless and barely finding enough food to survive.

    Image:
    Hygiene fears grow in Gaza

    The head of the safety unit of the Ministry of Health in Gaza told Sky News the basic lack of hygiene and lack of clean water is making problems worse.

    “There are many different types of diseases, such as skin diseases between the refugees, especially gut diseases and diarrhoea,” Estamily A’adeni explained.

    “As you may know most of the displaced people have a basic lack of hygiene because of their evacuation, and lack of water hygiene, this is why we see an increase in some cases such as skin disease, respiratory illness, and children in particular are suffering from diarrhoea,” he added.

    Image:
    Mothers in a doctor’s room in Gaza

    Image:
    Estamily A’adeni in Gaza

    Read more:
    Hamas releases two Russian hostages after Kremlin negotiations
    Who are the first 61 Israeli hostages released by Hamas?

    Aid deliveries have continued both to the south and the north of the Gaza Strip, and the quantity of it coming in has increased.

    But aid agencies have consistently said it is hopelessly inadequate.

    People are increasingly desperate, and they know that when the war resumes life will get even worse.

    Hundreds of thousands have already moved south, and they face the very real prospect of having to move again.

    Of course, the current ceasefire has been entirely dependent on the release of hostages in Gaza, and the release of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails.

    At the permanent vigil for hostages at a square in Tel Aviv, it’s clear that people are desperate for them to be returned.

    At the same time though, there is widespread support for a resumption of the war on Hamas. And this is a conundrum for the Israeli government and the military – and Hamas of course always knew it would be.

    This complex process has so far been remarkably successful, with negotiators staying in constant touch with both Israel and Hamas.

    The vigil site itself is dominated by an enormous, fully dressed dinner table with place settings for all the hostages. Silhouetted pictures of people are hung over the back of chairs to symbolise that they’re still missing.

    Image:
    Vigil in Tel Aviv

    Chairs without the pictures represent the hostages who have been released and are now in hospital or back with their families in Israel.

    Hundreds of people wander around the square looking at installations – including bound and blindfolded toy dolls that represent the children being held.

    A few gazebos have been set up by survivors of the various kibbutzim attacked by Hamas on 7 October. Pictures of the dead and missing from the individual kibbutz adorn the gazebos, and people come to mourn and chat with friends and relatives.

    In the crowd I met Sandra Cohen. I asked her if she, like others here, believed the war against Hamas had to restart, and I asked her about the complexities of the IDF’s tactics – how to attack Hamas and get the hostages out.

    “They have a dilemma because getting them out and having a full destruction of the tunnels could put them in harm’s way, so they take it day by day and they do it slowly, obviously they have drones that watch and see what’s happening, but they do want to get them back alive, and we just have to wait and see what happens.”

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    An end to the Israel-Hamas truce approaches – but the people of Gaza are desperate for help | World News

  • Walking to America | Opinions

    Walking to America | Opinions

    Walking to America | Opinions

    The isthmus of Tehuantepec, the narrow strip of land that separates the Gulf of Mexico from the Pacific Ocean in the southern Mexican state of Oaxaca, is known for its spectacularly fierce winds, which have toppled many a cargo truck navigating its thoroughfares. The isthmus is currently also playing host to mass human movement, as refuge seekers from Central America to Africa and beyond navigate the landscape in the hopes of eventually reaching the United States, still some 2,500 kilometers (1,550 miles) to the north.

    And for these thousands upon thousands of humans in precarious transit, overpowering winds are but one of myriad existential obstacles.

    I recently spent a few days in the isthmian town of Juchitán and took a taxi out to the nearby village of Santo Domingo Ingenio, where I met up with a 10-member Venezuelan family whose acquaintance I had made in early November in the neighbouring state of Chiapas, which borders Guatemala. Driving up the highway from Juchitán, the taxi lurched in the wind as we passed staggered groups of people heading in the opposite direction, some carrying babies or pushing strollers, others shielding their faces from the punishing sun overhead.

    The family had joined up with the latest northbound migrant caravan to form in Mexico – although the caravan has since largely dissolved in accordance with divide-and-conquer tactics of the Mexican government and mafia outfits, which jointly profit from the United States’s criminalisation of migration. Lacking any money for food – much less to avail themselves of mafia-organised transport options or the inflated “migrant prices” unofficially implemented by Mexican bus companies – this family belongs to the class of refuge seekers that has basically been reduced to walking to America.

    The extended family’s youngest member is an eight-year-old boy; there are also two 13-year-olds, a boy and a girl. I brought them some cash, water, and a heap of fried chicken from Juchitán, and we sat on the sheet of plastic that was serving as their bed in Santo Domingo Ingenio’s central pavilion, where the caravan was meant to camp out for the night.

    They filled me in on all that had transpired since our last meeting in Chiapas, which included having various objects thrown at them by apparently xenophobic local residents and being forcibly separated by Mexican immigration officials. Thanks to this sadistic stunt by agents of the state, who bused the children and one of the women to an unspecified location hours away from the others, the family spent several sleepless nights before being able to regroup.

    Most of the family members could barely walk, the soles of their shoes and feet having been torn up by hours of contact with the scorching pavement. One of the women laughingly showed me her innovative solution to the gaping holes in the bottom of her pink plastic clogs, which had been to utilise sanitary napkins as inserts. Somehow, they all maintained a distinct graciousness that, had I been in their shoes, would have certainly been long gone, pulverised somewhere on the road from Venezuela to Mexico.

    At our previous encounter, the family had recounted their trek through the Darién Gap, the corpse-ridden stretch of jungle between Colombia and Panama, which they likened to “a horror movie”. In one scene, they said, they had investigated a hand sticking out from a tent along the way to find that it belonged to a dead pregnant woman inside.

    The horrors of the jungle notwithstanding, the family reported that they would take the Darién Gap over Mexico any day. Hobbling, they escorted me back to my taxi, which was parked next to a couple of heavily armed, balaclava-sporting contingents of the Mexican National Guard, valiantly guarding the nation against asylum-seeking pedestrians.

    Granted, US-bound migrant caravans have long elicited expediently sensational fear-mongering. When the first caravan set out from Honduras in 2018, then-US President Donald Trump took to Twitter to warn that “criminals and unknown Middle Easterners are mixed in” – a matter that amounted to a veritable “National Emergy[sic].”

    And while Trump’s successor, Joe Biden, was supposed to pursue a nicer and less sociopathic migration policy, the US remains on “National Emergy” footing as Biden unabashedly expands Trump’s border fortification vision. Obviously, the US also continues to be responsible for wreaking much of the international political and economic havoc that causes people to leave their countries in the first place.

    For his part, Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) has dutifully enlisted Mexico in the US war on asylum seekers, and recently praised Biden for allegedly refraining from building border walls – a curious compliment, no doubt, for someone who is building up a storm.

    Meanwhile, back in Juchitán, collaborative state-mafia extortion is going strong, and refuge seekers with access to money are being milked for all they are worth. When two Danish friends and I visited a certain hotel in the centre of town, for example, we found it jampacked with citizens of the African nation of Mauritania, many of them fleeing political persecution and fear of torture back home. In the hotel lobby, two women seated at a table handled passports, stacks of one hundred dollar bills, and a credit card machine.

    Out front, a man from the Mexican state of Sinaloa who was involved in coordinating the operation openly told my friends and me that the Mauritanians – who had entered Mexico without visas – were being bused from Juchitán to Mexico City for “about 10,000 pesos” per person, or nearly 600 dollars. The buses would not be stopped by Mexican immigration personnel, we were told, as the obscene bus fare presumably made it possible to pay off all the proper people and still have plenty left over.

    The same night that I visited the Venezuelan family in Santo Domingo Ingenio, I received word from them that the caravan had been dislodged from the village and moved to one even farther away from Juchitán – meaning their trek to the US border would now be that much longer.

    Two days later, they were still in the same village, where reports had begun to surface that caravan participants were being kidnapped and held for ransom. Petrified, the family was planning to separate from what remained of the caravan, and to face being blown over by the winds of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec on their own.

    If only winds could blow down borders and set humanity straight.

    The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

    المصدر

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    Walking to America | Opinions

  • Hamas releases two Russian hostages after Kremlin negotiations | World News

    Hamas releases two Russian hostages after Kremlin negotiations | World News

    Hamas releases two Russian hostages after Kremlin negotiations | World News

    Hamas releases two Russian hostages after Kremlin negotiations | World News

    Hamas has released two Russian-Israeli dual nationals and handed them over to the Red Cross under a separate agreement negotiated between Hamas and the Kremlin.

    Elena Trufanova, 50, and her mother Irina Tatti, 73, were released on Wednesday afternoon “in response to the efforts of the Russian President”, according to a statement by Hamas.

    That brings to three the number of hostages with Russian citizenship who have been released since Sunday.

    Follow the Israel-Hamas conflict live

    Ms Trufanova’s sister, Maria Leizerovich, told Sky News from Moscow that she was “overwhelmed” by the news, but that her fight was not over until Ms Trufanova’s son Alexander (Sasha) and his Israeli fiance Sapir Cohen were also released.

    The family were kidnapped from Ms Trufanova’s home in Kibbutz Nir Oz on 7 October. Her husband Vitaly was killed in the attack.

    The first sign Ms Leizerovich had that her sister was alive came almost three weeks later, when Ms Trufanova appeared in a hostage video released by Hamas.

    “It was a great joy for us when we saw her there, no matter how crazy that sounds”, Ms Leizerovich told Sky News.

    “It gave us hope that all our remaining relatives were also alive”.

    Eight of the roughly 240 hostages originally taken by Hamas were Russian-Israeli dual nationals.

    Please use Chrome browser for a more accessible video player


    2:04

    Hamas says 3 hostages killed in Gaza

    Image:
    Mikhail and Maria Leizerovich, whose three family members are in Hamas captivity

    Read more:
    Have hostages gone missing in Gaza?

    Thai hostage negotiator thanks Iran for support

    On Sunday, 25-year-old Roni Krivoi was the first to be released and was reunited with his parents at the Sheba Medical Center near Tel Aviv.

    In video of that reunion released by the Israeli government, he appeared to be physically in good health.

    Mr Krivoi’s aunt told Israeli radio that he had managed to escape his captors for four days when the building he was in was bombed, but that he was recaptured by Gazans and returned to Hamas.

    Mr Krivoi had been working at the Nova music festival when he was taken hostage, and is the first adult male with Israeli citizenship to have been released so far by Hamas.

    At a press conference in Moscow, relatives of the Russian-Israeli hostages said they had written a letter to Vladimir Putin asking for his help.

    “Of course we wrote to Putin”, said Oxana Lobanova, whose son Alexander was kidnapped. “And of course we hope that Vladimir Vladimirovich will influence the situation. He stands strong for his citizens”.

    Image:
    Oxana Lobanov (L), mother of hostage Alexander

    Image:
    Evgenia Kozlova, mother of Andrei

    Evgenia Kozlova’s son Andrei was working as a security guard at the Nova festival.

    “No one knows if he is alive now,” she said. “We don’t know where is he, in what conditions he’s being kept. We don’t know what he eats or if he sees the sun.

    “We can only guess, based on the hostages who’ve already been realised, what is happening to him and it does not reassure us.”

    In late October, a senior Hamas delegation travelled to Moscow for talks with Russian officials.

    According to the foreign ministry, the talks focused on the immediate release of foreign hostages and the evacuation of Russian and other foreign citizens from the Gaza Strip.

    One month later it would appear that deputy foreign minister Mikhail Bogdanov’s dealings with Hamas are beginning to bear fruit.

    المصدر

    أخبار

    Hamas releases two Russian hostages after Kremlin negotiations | World News

  • Analysis: Why extending the Israel-Hamas truce won’t be easy | Israel-Palestine conflict News

    Analysis: Why extending the Israel-Hamas truce won’t be easy | Israel-Palestine conflict News

    Analysis: Why extending the Israel-Hamas truce won’t be easy | Israel-Palestine conflict News

    With hours left of the agreed pause in Gaza fighting, Israel, Hamas and the intermediaries negotiating between them were on Wednesday again in a frenzy of activity.

    The original truce was to have lasted until Monday, but Hamas decided to accept the Israeli offer to extend the ceasefire by a day for each group of 10 captives released. As the original deadline loomed an extension was proclaimed, but of just two days.

    Two is still better than nothing, and the two extra days bought the Qatari and Egyptian mediators extra time to work out how to convince both sides to prolong the truce even further or turn it into a permanent ceasefire.

    It has not been easy. While negotiations through intermediaries have been difficult, long and often tedious, they did finally produce some results and an agreement in principle that led to the initial four-day truce and indirectly to the two-day extension. During initial negotiations, Israel unilaterally declared that the pause could be made longer by the release of additional captives, so not much had to be additionally negotiated. Yet, as more time passed, talks through Qatari and Egyptian intermediaries seemed to be dragging, and lists of detainees to be released kept being agreed upon and accepted later and later each day; at one point Hamas even threatened to stop the process and let the truce collapse.

    Now, on Wednesday evening, the situation appears to be more complicated than ever. Hamas announced that it is seeking a further four-day extension, and even hinted at being ready to negotiate the release of all captives it is holding, in exchange for a more lasting cessation of hostilities. At the same time, Israel said it welcomes the possible release of additional captives, but sent mixed messages about the continuation of the pause.

    In such an atmosphere of uncertainty mixed with anxiety and hope, international mediators are trying harder than ever. For the past two days, they have been joined in Qatar by the highest officials from the US, Israeli and Egyptian intelligence services.

    No announcement has been made of the presence of their Hamas counterparts, but it is very hard to imagine that the Palestinian side would not be represented in such an intelligence summit.

    One would expect that, with the experience of two rounds of negotiations, it would be easier to reach agreements on the continuation and expansion of the deals. Yet, there are many signs to suggest that the situation is getting more complicated with talks possibly getting bogged down.

    How is it possible that from overwhelming optimism that marked the weekend mass celebrations of former captives rejoining their communities, the talks are now on the verge of failure with the real prospect of fighting resuming on Thursday?

    There are several reasons for the apparent reluctance of both Israel and Hamas to prolong the truce by exchanging more captives.

    First, tactical and strategic military reasons, mostly on the Israeli side. Over the past few days, several representatives of the Israeli military indicated that they would prefer the current two-day extension of the pause to be the last. Generals told the political leadership that the military believes that fighting should be resumed on Thursday morning.

    From the very beginning of the armed intervention, the Israeli army was wary of having to go to war without clearly defined strategic goals. I warned that soldiers detest “open-ended” tasks. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu repeated several times that his goal was to win the war by destroying Hamas, but he obviously never translated that into clear and measurable orders and tasks. Generals prefer to be told: “Go there and do that, if and when you achieve it your job is done”. Their eagerness to resume fighting is by no means an indication that they are bloodthirsty; on the contrary, it tells those who want to listen that they are realists.

    Following the 7 October attacks, the Israeli military mobilised 360,000 reservists, deploying them alongside the standing army of 150,000 soldiers. While the fighting went on, each reservist and each unit, whether in Gaza or along the northern front facing Hezbollah, knew exactly what his or her task and purpose was. They were focused, in a military mindset, not overtly influenced by the atmosphere among civilians.

    But as they stopped for four days, then for two more, many went home for short rest and were exposed to the doubts, uncertainties, fears and hopes of their families and relatives. For a couple of days, they lived almost as civilians, but, as the original pause was to expire on Monday, they would have had to return to units by Sunday afternoon – the time when the extension was announced. Military bureaucracy then had to decide whether to give them an extra day or two at home or rotate soldiers, with the eventual new group being granted just two days off and so on.

    Another extension would further complicate the logistics of leave and rotation, but prolonged semi-civilian life could also damage the determination to fight.

    After October 7, Israeli national adrenaline ran high and everyone was ready to fight. Now, seeing that the country’s politics is a mess; the leadership is in poorly hidden disarray and the prime minister is clearly troubled, shaken and insincere, soldiers may start to vacillate.

    Aware of potential problems with morale and determination, generals obviously prefer to get the fighting over with, rather than endure more of the stop-go-stop-go orders that in all wars prove detrimental to the fighting capabilities of an army.

    المصدر

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    Analysis: Why extending the Israel-Hamas truce won’t be easy | Israel-Palestine conflict News