التصنيف: أخبار

A militant group that’s among those suspected of an attack that killed three US soldiers is pausing operations to “prevent embarrassment” to the Iraqi government.

Kata’ib Hezbollah is one of several factions American officials believe may have carried out the drone attack in Jordan.

Three army reservists died and more than 40 were injured in Sunday’s attack on the US base, with President Joe Biden promising to respond.

Middle East latest: Iraqi militant group vows to suspend attacks on US forces

The group announced in a statement “the suspension of military and security operations against the occupation forces in order to prevent embarrassment to the Iraqi government”.

US forces in the Middle East have faced dozens of attacks blamed on Iran-backed militia since the start of the Israel-Hamas war.

Kata’ib Hezbollah is an elite armed faction that’s close to Iran, and was founded in the aftermath of the 2003 invasion of Iraq.

It views American troops as foreign occupiers and while it technically answers to Iraq’s prime minister, it has until now defied government statements urging an end to attacks on US forces.

The US designated it a terrorist organisation in 2009, and an American drone strike killed its leader Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis in 2020 at Baghdad airport.

An Iraqi government spokesman said on Monday it was “monitoring with a great concern the alarming security developments in the region” and called for “an end to the cycle of violence”.

However, US officials are believed to be still determining exactly who attacked the Tower 22 base in northeastern Jordan.

The base includes engineering, aviation, logistics and security troops, with about 350 US army and air force personnel deployed.

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President Biden said on Tuesday he’d made up his mind on how to respond to the deaths of soldiers William Jerome Rivers, 46, Kennedy Ladon Sanders, 24, and Breonna Alexsondria Moffett, 23.

Experts have said he faces one of the most important decisions of his presidency – how to respond robustly without triggering a wider conflict in an already extremely tense region.

Mr Biden did not give any details of his response, but added: “I don’t think we need a wider war in the Middle East. That’s not what I’m looking for.”

National Security Council spokesman John Kirby said the retaliation could come in phases.

“It’s very possible that what you’ll see is a tiered approach here, not just a single action, but potentially multiple actions over a period of time,” he told reporters on Air Force One.

Meanwhile, Pentagon spokeswoman Sabrina Singh said commanders were still looking into reports that failure to shoot down the drone as it approached the base may have been a human error.

US officials, speaking anonymously, have said it could have been mistaken for a returning drone of their own.

There have been 166 attacks on US military installations since 18 October, shortly after the Hamas terror attack on Israel on 7 October, according to a US military official.

It’s said to comprise 67 in Iraq, 98 in Syria and one in Jordan.

It seems strange to think in this chaotic febrile epoch we are living in, but once upon a time Iran and the United States were friends.

But the Islamic Revolution of 1979 changed that, and since then the two states have seen tensions escalate again and again.

So much so, that there’s now the real possibility of a direct confrontation between the two foes.

The killing of three American servicemen in Jordan by Iranian-backed militias is the latest episode in a bitter rivalry that’s now four decades old.

But let’s first wind back.

British and US intelligence were pivotal in helping the Iranian military overthrow Iran’s prime minister, Mohammad Mossadeq, in 1953.

This intervention, or meddling, as it was seen in the country, brought back to power the unpopular western-leaning monarchy of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who was heavily dependent on US support for his power.

At the heart of this support was the promise of access to the country’s natural resources, particularly oil.

But, this alliance would soon be disrupted.

In 1979 the ground starts shifting across the country with a wave of civil unrest and popular protest.

This uprising would see the grand ayatollah, Ruhollah Khomeini, return from years of exile – his platform and power fuelled by vehement opposition to what he considered a servile pro-western monarchy.

Taking power with an iron grip, the new Supreme Leader would transform the country into a radical Islamic theocracy.

But this takeover would not end at Iran’s borders.

At the heart of the transformation, there was a desire to spread the revolution to neighbouring countries – a project that continues to this day.

In 1985 the emerging militant group Hezbollah pledged its allegiance to Khomeini – that relationship has gone from strength to strength.

And thanks to Iran’s patronage Hezbollah is now the most powerful militant group in the world, often described as a state within a state in Lebanon.

The spread of Iranian influence would grow exponentially over the next four decades, increasingly setting the country on a collision course with the United States and its allies.

The first big clash came quickly.

It arose after 52 American diplomats and citizens were taken hostage at the US embassy by radical Iranian students.

They were held for 444 days from 4 November 1979 until their release in 1981.

The US saw this as a serious breach of international law, but in Iran it was viewed as a blow against excessive US influence and meddling in the country.

It also burnished the credentials of the new regime, who opposed normalising relations with western countries – particularly America, which was labelled the Great Satan by the ayatollahs in their increasingly fiery speeches about foreign policy.

Operation Eagle Claw – a disastrous US attempt to free the hostages – saw a helicopter crash into a transport aircraft, causing a fire that killed eight servicemen.

During this time the US had cut diplomatic ties with Iran and banned most trade – things were not looking great.

In 1980 Iraq invaded Iran – the countries had been massive rivals but were now at war. The United States lent its hefty support to Iraq led by Saddam Hussein. The fighting, which dragged on until 1988, saw huge casualties on both sides but it is estimated as many as one million Iranians died in the conflict.

Relations with the US would remain bad. The Beirut Barracks bombing, Operation Praying Mantis, the Iran-Contra Affair and sanctions were the punctuation marks for two countries ideologically opposed, that were seemingly always at, or close to conflict.

That was until 1998 when there appeared to be glimmers of hope that relations were improving. Secretary of state Madeleine Albright met with Iran’s deputy foreign minister – it was the highest level contact since the revolution but it would not last.

A few years later in 2002 and in a seminal speech President George Bush was labelling Iran as part of the “axis of evil” – its bedfellows Iraq and North Korea.

US officials would also claim Iran was operating a clandestine nuclear programme with the intent of building a bomb.

These were the years after 9/11.

Attempts to reach diplomatic understandings since then have mostly ended in failure.

President Barack Obama tried to use the carrot of sanctions relief to tame Iran’s nuclear program.

The agreement would eventually emerge as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).

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It was hoped that the deal would steer Iran away from the big bomb, or at the very least slow progress; but many Republicans viewed it with suspicion arguing that it – along with the lifting of sanctions – gave the Iranians more power to spread their pernicious influence across the region.

Enter stage Donald Trump. Exit stage deal. The one-time – but perhaps soon to be two – US president ripped up the agreement when he withdrew America from the JCPOA.

Iran and America were soon back in a spiral of escalation. President Trump would later designate the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) a terror organisation.

Perhaps, the most significant event that underlines how broken the relationship is and how far apart the two countries have become came in the form of a US drone strike on 3 January 2020.

Qasem Soleimani, the commander of the IRGC Quds force and one of the most powerful men in Iran – and by extension the region – was killed in the attack in Baghdad.

The American action sent shockwaves through the Middle East and Iran vowed revenge.

The regime also stated it would no longer restrict its nuclear program.

All of this forms the backdrop to current events. It is hard to see in the present climate how things can improve.

In fact, with the war raging in Gaza and Iranian-backed militias across the region taking pot shots at US forces, things look set to get even worse.

Sky News has seen Israeli intelligence documents that Israel claims are evidence that staff working for a UN agency were connected with Hamas in Gaza.

The report, which has been shared with foreign governments, alleges that six employees of the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) infiltrated Israel. Four of them were allegedly involved in kidnapping Israelis, while another worker is said to have provided “logistics support”.

Further claims include accusations that “out of approx. 12,000 UNRWA employees in GS [Gaza Strip], about 10% are Hamas/PIJ [Palestinian Islamic Jihad] operatives and about 50% are first-degree relatives with a Hamas operative”.

Critics of Israel’s actions say the number of staff allegedly involved is a tiny percentage of the agency’s overall workforce, and the decision by governments to suspend funding in response to the claims is a cruel and disproportionate move.

The Norwegian Refugee Council said it was “outraged” at foreign governments for pausing donations.

It said in a statement: “We are shocked by the reckless decision to cut a lifeline for an entire population by some of the very countries that had called for aid in Gaza to be stepped up and for humanitarians to be protected while doing their job.”

Middle East latest: Hamas responds to hostage deal

The Israeli intelligence report also claims UNRWA is forced “to act under the authorisation and supervision of Hamas” and “it appears that UNRWA is assisting Hamas with securing humanitarian aid that is transferred to GS”.

It adds: “Following Hamas’s request, during Swords of Iron [the Israeli name for its military action in Gaza], UNRWA transferred fuel to north GS.”

Israel has long claimed that Hamas fighters have used UNWRA facilities to hide and store weapons, including in schools and hospitals, and dug tunnels under the agency’s buildings, sometimes with its knowledge.

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‘Collective punishment’

UNRWA was established in 1949 to provide assistance and protection for Palestinian refugees. It is funded almost entirely by voluntary donations.

In practice, the agency runs schools, health services and refugee camps – but not just in Gaza. It also operates in east Jerusalem and the West Bank, as well as parts of Lebanon, Jordan and Syria.

It provides education to more than 544,000 children across 706 schools, hundreds of millions of dollars in loans for small businesses and job creation, and healthcare support for more than seven million visits by patients every year.

They will all be affected by the suspension of funding, which critics have described as a form of “collective punishment”.

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The Israeli intelligence documents make several claims that Sky News has not seen proof of and many of the claims, even if true, do not directly implicate UNRWA.

Following the allegations, a number of countries, including the US, UK, Germany, Japan, and Australia, suspended funding to the agency pending further investigation.

‘Death sentence for millions’

Responding to the developments, UNRWA’s commissioner general Phillippe Lazzarini said last week he had immediately terminated the contracts of the accused staff and ordered an investigation.

He said: “Any UNRWA employee who was involved in acts of terror will be held accountable, including through criminal prosecution.

“UNRWA reiterates its condemnation in the strongest possible terms of the abhorrent attacks of 7 October and calls for the immediate and unconditional release of all Israeli hostages and their safe return to their families.”

UNRWA also said it shares the list of all its staff with host countries every year, including Israel.

“The agency never received any concerns on specific staff members,” it added.

The move to cut funding has been severely criticised by other aid organisations. Action Aid said it “spells a death sentence for millions of Palestinians in Gaza and the surrounding regions.”

UNRWA has paid a heavy price during the war – 152 of its staff have been killed in Gaza and 145 of its facilities have been damaged.

Undercover Israeli troops dressed as civilian women and medics have stormed a hospital in the West Bank – killing three people Israel claimed were militants.

The Israel Defence Forces (IDF) said its troops shot dead three men after entering the Ibn Sina hospital, in the northern city of Jenin, early on Tuesday.

Security camera video footage appeared to show around a dozen undercover, armed personnel wearing Muslim headscarves, hospital scrubs and white doctor’s coats.

One was seen carrying a rifle in one arm and a folded wheelchair in the other.

The Hamas-run health ministry in Gaza said the Israeli forces opened fire inside wards and said there had been no exchange of fire.

It called on the international community to step in to stop further such attacks in hospitals.

Follow latest: Hamas “open” to discussions on a potential hostage deal

Tuesday’s raid came as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ruled out both a military withdrawal from Gaza and the release of thousands of jailed Palestinians – two of the main demands Hamas has made for a ceasefire.

Conflicting reports of second raid

There were also conflicting reports on Tuesday about another possible raid at al Amal Hospital in Gaza’s southern Khan Younis.

The Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS) said earlier that Israeli forces had stormed the grounds of the medical facility and told people to evacuate at gunpoint.

In a statement on X, the PRCS said: “displaced individuals and PRCS teams are being demanded to evacuate the building under the threat of arms”.

It later added that Israeli tanks were stationed in its “front yard” and were “firing live ammunition and smoke grenades”.

However, an Israeli military spokesperson said: “There’s no storming of the hospital, entry into it or any ordering of people to leave at gunpoint.”

‘We will not withdraw’

Speaking in the West Bank, Mr Netanyahu repeated his vow to keep fighting until “absolute victory” over Hamas and denied reports of a possible ceasefire.

“We will not withdraw the Israeli military from the Gaza Strip and we will not release thousands of terrorists,” he said.

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Meanwhile, a senior Hamas leader said a proposal for a new ceasefire in Gaza would involve three stages, including the release of hostages held by the Islamist group and Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli jails.

Women, children, the elderly and the wounded would be released in the first stage, the Hamas leader said.

‘We don’t need a wider war’

It came as US President Joe Biden said he had decided how to respond to the killing of three US troops at a base in Jordan – but did not go into details.

The White House has said it believes an Iran-backed group was responsible. Iran has denied involvement.

Speaking as he left for a trip to Florida on Tuesday, Mr Biden replied “yes” when asked if he had decided how to respond, but did not elaborate.

However, he added: “I don’t think we need a wider war in the Middle East. That’s not what I’m looking for.”

Joe Biden has promised the US will “respond” to the attack on Tower 22, which left three US military personnel dead and dozens wounded.

The problem is that the US has already been responding to attack after attack on its bases in the Middle East – and has nevertheless failed to deter them.

There have been more than 160 so far.

Middle East latest: Biden decides on drone attack response

And the US has retaliated to those – the graphic below shows their attacks since 27 October.

They already include strikes against bases operated by the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) – the regime’s most powerful military force – rather than proxy militias.

Defence and security analyst Professor Michael Clarke said: “What the Americans were trying to do was be very graduated in their response – always to respond to individual attacks with another retaliation on the place where the attack came from.

“It obviously has led the Iranians to feel that they can keep on pushing America. So, I think the fact American service personnel have been killed has crossed a line.

“The Americans now have got to decide if they need to take a step up in terms of their response.”

Would a response that included sanctions or perhaps a cyberattack really be a step up?

Many Iranian officials are already under sanctions and there is domestic pressure on Mr Biden to go further.

Professor Clarke suggests that another option would be to target Iranian ships in the Red Sea and connecting waters: “The Americans might regard that as a sensible target since they’re all part of the Iran’s attempts to create a crisis for America.”

IRGC fast boats operate regularly in the Strait of Hormuz and have seized oil tankers in the past.

Earlier this month, Iran also announced that its warship Alborz, a frigate, had entered the Red Sea.

There’s also the Behshad.

The ship officially carries cargo but military analysts say it carries out surveillance that has been vital for all the Houthi attacks – another Iranian-backed militia that forms part of the same so-called “axis of resistance”.

Those would be Iranian assets, but still outside Iran. Further up the escalation ladder would be an attack on Iranian territory itself.

That could be limited to the coast, perhaps. Or they could strike the interior – perhaps even on nuclear facilities.

That is the very top of the ladder – and the US would not start there, if only to give itself room to climb in the future.

On Monday, Iran’s foreign ministry spokesperson Nasser Kanaani said that his country “does not welcome the expansion of conflicts in the region”.

And Mr Biden said on Tuesday that “we don’t need a wider war in the Middle East” but he had decided on an unspecified response.

Others would argue that, with the death of US military personnel, the wider war is already here.